17.02.202427.05.2017

Historians from all over the world squeal with delight. A unique “Yeltsin Center” has opened in Yekaterinburg, which for lovers of archives and secrets of the past is like a cake shop for kids.

The museum staff is especially proud of the secret transcripts of telephone conversations between Boris Yeltsin and Mikhail Gorbachev with US President George H. W. Bush. Immediately after the signing of the Belovezhskaya Agreement (on the creation of the CIS - Ed.), which took place on December 8, 1991, Boris Nikolayevich first called US President George W. Bush. They talked for 28 minutes. And two weeks later, on December 25, Mikhail Gorbachev called George Bush. This happened right before he officially resigned as president of the USSR. The conversation lasted 22 minutes. For a long time one could only guess about the details of these two conversations. Our intelligence services did not record them, but the Americans recorded them, but classified them.

They were kept in the State of Texas in the Presidential Library. And only in 2008, Bush Jr. removed the “Secret” stamp from the papers.

So, unique transcripts.

YELTSIN: “I WANT TO INFORM YOU PERSONALLY, Mister PRESIDENT”

THE WHITE HOUSE. WASHINGTON. RECORDING A TELEPHONE CONVERSATION

PARTICIPANTS: George Bush, US President, Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Republic

President Bush: Hello, Boris. How are you doing?

President Yeltsin: Hello, Mr. President. I am very glad to welcome you. Mr. President, you and I agreed that in the event of events of extreme importance, we will inform each other, I - you, you - me. A very important event took place in our country today, and I would like to personally inform you before you hear about it from the press.

President Bush: Of course, thank you.

This is what the original classified transcript looked like in English

President Yeltsin: We have gathered today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia. We gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions, which lasted almost two days, we came to the conclusion that the existing system and the agreement that we are being persuaded to sign do not suit us. That’s why we got together and just a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of the three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia - while stating that negotiations on a new [Union] treaty have reached a dead end, we recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center led us to an economic and political crisis that affected all production areas and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states.

President Bush: Understand.

President Yeltsin: The members of this Commonwealth have as their goal the strengthening of international peace and security. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed by the former Union, including on external debt. We also advocate unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia.

President Bush: Fine.

President Yeltsin: In the room from which I am calling, the President of Ukraine and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus are with me. I also just finished a conversation with the President of Kazakhstan Nazarbayev. I read him the full text of the agreement, including all 16 articles. He fully supports all our actions and is ready to sign the agreement. He will soon fly to Minsk airport for signing.

President Bush: Understand.

President Yeltsin: This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been issuing orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are confident that this is the only way out of the critical situation in which we find ourselves.

President Bush: Boris, you...

President Yeltsin: Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to get together - in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his own level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. We, the four states, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We don't want to do anything in secret - we will immediately release the statement to the press. We hope for your understanding.

President Bush: Boris, I appreciate your call and your frankness. We will now look at all 16 points. What do you think the center's reaction will be?

President Yeltsin: Firstly, I spoke with Defense Minister Shaposhnikov. I would like to read out Article 6 of the agreement. Shaposhnikov actually completely agrees and supports our position. And now I read the 6th article: ...

Boris Yeltsin during a visit to the United States in 1989.

President Bush: We, of course, want to study all this carefully. We understand that these issues should be decided by the participants and not by third parties such as the United States.

President Yeltsin: We guarantee this, Mr. President.

President Bush: Well, good luck, and thanks for your call. We will wait for the reaction of the center and other republics. I think time will tell.

President Yeltsin: I am convinced that all other republics will understand us and will join us very soon.

President Bush: Thank you again for your call after such a historic event.

President Yeltsin: Goodbye.

President Bush: Goodbye.

As you can see, it looks more like a monologue, a report...Gorbachev’s conversation took place differently...

OUTSTANDING FACTS. WHAT YELTSIN REPORTED TO BUSH Sr. ON THE EVE OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR

Transcripts of telephone conversations between Yeltsin and Gorbachev with the American president were declassified in Yekaterinburg

Historians from all over the world squeal with delight. A unique “Yeltsin Center” has opened in Yekaterinburg, which for lovers of archives and secrets of the past is like a cake shop for kids.

They were kept in the State of Texas in the Presidential Library. And only in 2008, Bush Jr. removed the “Secret” stamp from the papers.

When the exhibition of our museum was being formed, we found these transcripts in the catalog of the Presidential Library of George W. Bush. We sent a request and received electronic copies,” says Dmitry Pushmin, head of the Yeltsin Center archive. – They often say that Yeltsin and Gorbachev “ran” to report to the American president about the collapse of the USSR, but this is not so. In fact, the situation was complicated. The Soviet Union had collapsed, and the US President had to be informed that the USSR's nuclear arsenal was under control.

This is the first time we are publishing these unique transcripts.

YELTSIN: “I WANT TO INFORM YOU PERSONALLY, Mister PRESIDENT”

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

RECORDING A TELEPHONE CONVERSATION

TOPIC: Telephone conversation with President of the Russian Republic Yeltsin

PARTICIPANTS: George Bush, US President, Boris Yeltsin, President of the Russian Republic

President Bush: Hello, Boris. How are you doing?

President Bush: Of course, thank you.

Photo: Alexey BULATOV

President Yeltsin: We have gathered today, Mr. President, the leaders of three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia. We gathered and after numerous lengthy discussions, which lasted almost two days, we came to the conclusion that the existing system and the Union Treaty that we were being persuaded to sign do not suit us. That’s why we got together and just a few minutes ago signed a joint agreement. Mr. President, we, the leaders of the three republics - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia - while stating that negotiations on a new [Union] treaty have reached a dead end, we recognize the objective reasons why the creation of independent states has become a reality. In addition, noting that the rather short-sighted policy of the center led us to an economic and political crisis that affected all production areas and various segments of the population, we, the community of independent states of Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, signed an agreement. This agreement, consisting of 16 articles, essentially stipulates the creation of a commonwealth or group of independent states.

President Bush: Understand.

President Yeltsin: The members of this Commonwealth have as their goal the strengthening of international peace and security. They also guarantee compliance with all international obligations under agreements and treaties signed by the former Union, including on external debt. We also advocate unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. This agreement was signed by the heads of all states participating in the negotiations - Belarus, Ukraine and Russia.

President Bush: Fine.

President Bush: Understand.

President Bush: Boris, you...

President Bush: Boris, I appreciate your call and your frankness. We will now look at all 16 points. What do you think the center's reaction will be?

President Yeltsin: Firstly, I spoke with the Minister of Defense Shaposhnikov. I would like to read out Article 6 of the agreement. Shaposhnikov actually completely agrees and supports our position. And now I read the 6th article: ...

President Bush: We, of course, want to study all this carefully. We understand that these issues should be decided by the participants and not by third parties such as the United States.

President Yeltsin: We guarantee this, Mr. President.

President Bush: Well, good luck, and thanks for your call. We will wait for the reaction of the center and other republics. I think time will tell.

President Yeltsin: I am convinced that all other republics will understand us and will join us very soon.

President Bush: Thank you again for your call after such a historic event.

President Yeltsin: Goodbye.

President Bush: Goodbye.

End of conversation

GORBACHEV: “I AM NOT GOING TO HIDE IN THE TAIGA”

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

RECORDING A TELEPHONE CONVERSATION

TOPIC: Telephone conversation with Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the Soviet Union

PARTICIPANTS: George Bush, President of the USA, Mikhail Gorbachev, President of the USSR

President Bush: Hello, Mikhail.

President Gorbachev: George, my dear friend. Glad to hear your voice.

President Bush: I am glad to greet you on such a significant day, such a historic day. Thank you for calling.

President Gorbachev: Let me start with something nice: Merry Christmas to you, Barbara, and your entire family. I was thinking about when I should make my announcement - Tuesday or today. I finally decided to do it today at the end of the day. And so first I want to wish you a Merry Christmas and all the best.

Now I must say that in about two hours I will appear on Moscow television with a short statement about my decision. I sent you a letter, George. Hope you receive it soon. In the letter I expressed the most important things. Now, I would like to reaffirm how much I appreciate what we were able to accomplish during our time together - when you were Vice President and then when you became President of the United States. I hope that all leaders of the Commonwealth countries, and primarily Russia, understand the value of the joint experience accumulated by the leaders of our two countries. I hope they understand their responsibility to preserve and enhance this important resource.

In our Union, the debate about what kind of state to create did not go in the direction that I considered correct. But I want to assure you that I will use all my political influence and authority to ensure that the new Commonwealth becomes effective. I am pleased that the leaders of the Commonwealth have already reached agreements on important nuclear and strategic issues in Almaty. I hope that decisions will be made in Minsk on other issues that will provide a mechanism for cooperation between the republics.

George, let me tell you something that I think is extremely important.

President Bush: I'm listening to.

President Gorbachev: Of course, it is necessary to follow the path of recognition of all these countries. But I would like you to take into account how important it is for the future of the Commonwealth to prevent the aggravation of the processes of disintegration and destruction. So our common duty is to help the process of establishing cooperation between the republics. I would like to particularly emphasize this point.

Now about Russia - this is the second most important topic of our conversations. On the table in front of me is the Decree of the President of the USSR on my resignation. I also resign as Supreme Commander-in-Chief and transfer the authority to use nuclear weapons to the President of the Russian Federation. That is, I manage affairs until the completion of the constitutional process. I can assure you that everything is under strict control. As soon as I announce my resignation, these decrees will come into force. There will be no inconsistency. You can spend your Christmas evening in peace. Returning to Russia, I want to say once again that we must do everything possible to support it. I will do everything in my power to support Russia. But our partners must also try and play their role in helping and supporting Russia.

As for me, I am not going to hide in the taiga, in the forests. I will remain politically active, I will remain in political life. My main goal is to help in the processes that began with perestroika and new thinking in foreign policy. Representatives of your press here have asked me many times about our personal relationship with you. At this historic moment, I want you to know how much I value our collaboration, partnership and friendship. Our roles may change, but I would like to assure you that what we have achieved will not change. Raisa and I wish you and Barbara all the best.

President Bush: Mikhail, first of all I want to express my gratitude for your call. I listened to your message with great interest. We will continue to be involved, especially with regard to the Russian Republic, whose enormous difficulties may be further exacerbated this winter. I am very glad that you are not going to hide in the forests, but will continue to be active politically. I am absolutely confident that this will benefit the new Commonwealth.

I appreciate your clarification regarding nuclear weapons. This is a vital issue of international importance, and I am grateful to you and the leaders of the republics for the excellent organization and implementation of the process. I have taken note that constitutional responsibility on this issue passes to Boris Yeltsin. I assure you that we will continue close cooperation in this regard.

Now about the personal, Mikhail. Your wonderful comments about the relationships you and I have and you have with Jim Baker have not gone unnoticed. I really appreciate your words because they exactly reflect my feelings. Your call found me at Camp David, we are here with Barbara, our three children and grandchildren. Another of our children is now in Florida, and the other is in Virginia with his family.

The horseshoe court where you threw that ring is still in good condition. This, by the way, reminded me of what I wrote in my letter to you: I hope our paths will cross again soon. You are always a welcome guest in the USA. Perhaps we can even meet here at Camp David after you have settled your affairs. Our friendship is as strong as before and will remain so in the future. There can be no doubt about this.

Of course, I will build relationships with the leaders of Russia and other republics with due respect and openness. We will move towards recognizing and respecting the sovereignty of each republic. We will cooperate with them on a wide range of issues. But this will not in any way affect my desire to maintain contact with you and listen to your advice, regardless of what your new role will be. I really want to preserve our friendship, which Barbara and I value very, very much.

So, on this holiday and at this moment in history, we honor you and thank you for all you have done for world peace. Thank you very much.

President Gorbachev: Thank you, George. I was glad to hear all this today. I say goodbye and shake your hand. You told me a lot of important things and I am grateful for that.

President Bush: All the best, Mikhail.

President Gorbachev: Goodbye.

End of conversation

Photo: Alexey BULATOV

By the way

An attraction of unprecedented secrecy: Yeltsin’s nuclear suitcase is on public display

Komsomolskaya Pravda found out how a unique item got into the museum of the first president of the Russian Federation

Residents of Yekaterinburg now have a nuclear suitcase in their hands. The “red button”, which allows the launch of rockets with a filling capable of wiping out all life from the face of the Earth, lies in the very center of the city in plain sight. But you shouldn’t be afraid, because we are not talking about the current model, but about the one that Mikhail Gorbachev first kept with him when he was at the head of the USSR, and after him Boris Yeltsin. The suitcase lies under glass in the Yeltsin Center, which was opened by the top officials of the state a couple of weeks ago.

– This is a diplomat with a panel of a portable device for the control system of the Russian nuclear arsenal. This device is also known under the code name “Cheget,” clarifies Dmitry Pushmin, head of the archive of the Yeltsin Presidential Center. “All the electronic contents were removed from it, so now the suitcase does not pose any danger.

Photo: Alexey BULATOV

The nuclear briefcase was transferred to the Yeltsin Center exposition in agreement with the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation and the General Staff of the Armed Forces of the Russian Federation.

“You must understand that the suitcase itself does not launch the rocket, it only transmits an encrypted command to the command post, that is, it authorizes the launch of the rocket,” adds Dmitry Pushmin.

The fact that this nuclear suitcase is an artifact from the last century becomes clear just by looking at it. A small screen, like a liquid crystal one, and several rectangular multi-colored buttons. Some have numbers on them. Not at all like modern computers and tablets. And all this is hidden in a foreign-made Samsonite case with a three-digit combination lock near the handle.

Even Vladimir Putin admitted that “the collapse of the Soviet Union was the biggest geopolitical catastrophe of the century. For the Russian people it became a real drama. Tens of millions of our fellow citizens and compatriots found themselves outside Russian territory.”

It is obvious that KGB Chairman Andropov made a mistake in choosing Gorbachev as his successor. Gorbachev failed to carry out economic reforms. In October 2009, in an interview with Radio Liberty, Mikhail Gorbachev admitted his responsibility for the collapse of the USSR: “This is a resolved issue. Destroyed..."

Some consider Gorbachev an outstanding figure of the era. He is given credit for democratization and openness. But these are only means of carrying out economic reforms that were never implemented. The goal of “perestroika” was to preserve power, just like Khrushchev’s “thaw” and the famous 20th Congress to debunk Stalin’s “cult of personality.”

The USSR could have been saved. But the ruling elite betrayed socialism, the communist idea, its people, exchanged power for money, Crimea for the Kremlin.
The “Terminator” of the USSR, Boris Yeltsin, purposefully destroyed the Union, calling on the republics to take as much sovereignty as they could.
In the same way, at the beginning of the 13th century in Kievan Rus, appanage princes ruined the country, putting the thirst for personal power above national interests.
In 1611, the same elite (boyars) sold themselves to the Poles, letting the false Dmitry into the Kremlin, as long as they retained their privileges.

I remember Yeltsin’s speech at the higher Komsomol school under the Komsomol Central Committee, which became his triumphant return to politics. Compared to Gorbachev, Yeltsin seemed consistent and decisive.

Greedy “young wolves”, who no longer believed in any fairy tales about communism, began to destroy the system in order to get to the “feeding trough”. This is precisely why it was necessary to collapse the USSR and remove Gorbachev. In order to gain unlimited power, almost all republics voted for the collapse of the USSR.

Stalin, of course, shed a lot of blood, but did not allow the country to collapse.
What is more important: human rights or the integrity of the country? If we allow the collapse of the state, then it will be impossible to ensure respect for human rights.
So, either the dictatorship of a strong state, or pseudo-democracy and the collapse of the country.

For some reason, in Russia, the problems of the country's development are always a problem of the personal power of a particular ruler.
I happened to visit the Central Committee of the CPSU in 1989, and I noticed that all the conversations were about the personal struggle between Yeltsin and Gorbachev. The worker of the CPSU Central Committee who invited me said exactly this: “the gentlemen are fighting, but the lads’ foreheads are cracking.”

Gorbachev regarded Boris Yeltsin's first official visit to the United States in 1989 as a conspiracy to seize power from him.
Is this why, immediately after the signing of the CIS agreement, the first person Yeltsin called was not Gorbachev, but US President George Bush, who apparently promised in advance to recognize Russia’s independence.

The KGB knew about the West's plans for the controlled collapse of the USSR, reported to Gorbachev, but he did nothing. He has already received the Nobel Peace Prize.

They just bought the elite. The West bought former regional committee secretaries with presidential honors.
In April 1996, I witnessed US President Clinton's visit to St. Petersburg, I saw him near the Atlantes near the Hermitage. Anatoly Sobchak got into Clinton's car.

I am against totalitarian and authoritarian power. But did Andrei Sakharov, who fought for the abolition of Article 6 of the Constitution, understand that the ban on the CPSU, which formed the backbone of the state, would automatically lead to the collapse of the country into national appanage principalities?

At that time, I published a lot in the domestic press, and in one of my articles in the St. Petersburg newspaper “Smena” I warned: “the main thing is to prevent confrontation.” Alas, it was “the voice of one crying in the wilderness.”

On July 29, 1991, a meeting between Gorbachev, Yeltsin and Nazarbayev took place in Novo-Ogaryovo, at which they agreed to begin signing a new union Treaty on August 20, 1991. But those who headed the State Emergency Committee proposed their own plan to save the country. Gorbachev decided to leave for Foros, where he simply bided his time to join the winner. He knew everything, since the State Emergency Committee was formed by Gorbachev himself on March 28, 1991.

During the days of the August putsch, I was vacationing in Crimea next to Gorbachev - in Simeiz - and I remember everything well. The day before, I decided to buy an Oreanda stereo tape recorder in the store there, but they didn’t sell it with a USSR bank checkbook, due to local restrictions at that time. On August 19th, these restrictions were suddenly lifted, and on August 20th I was able to make a purchase. But already on August 21, restrictions were introduced again, apparently as a result of the victory of democracy.

The rampant nationalism in the Union republics was explained by the reluctance of the local leaders to drown along with Gorbachev, whose mediocrity in carrying out reforms was already understood by everyone.
In fact, the discussion was about the need to remove Gorbachev from power. Both the top of the CPSU and the opposition led by Yeltsin strived for this. Gorbachev's failure was obvious to many. But he did not want to transfer power to Yeltsin.
That is why Yeltsin was not arrested, hoping that he would join the conspirators. But Yeltsin did not want to share power with anyone, he wanted complete autocracy, which was proven by the dispersal of the Supreme Soviet of Russia in 1993.

Alexander Rutskoy called the State Emergency Committee a “performance.” While the defenders were dying on the streets of Moscow, the democratic elite held a banquet on the fourth underground floor of the White House.

The arrest of members of the State Emergency Committee reminded me of the arrest of members of the Provisional Government in October 1917, who were also soon released, because this was the “agreement” on the transfer of power.

The indecisiveness of the State Emergency Committee can be explained by the fact that the “putsch” was only a staged act with the goal of “exiting gracefully”, taking with it the country’s gold and foreign exchange reserves.

At the end of 1991, when the Democrats seized power and Russia became the legal successor of the USSR, Vnesheconombank had only $700 million in its account. The liabilities of the former Union were estimated at $93.7 billion, assets at $110.1 billion.

The logic of the reformers Gaidar and Yeltsin was simple. They calculated that Russia could survive thanks to the oil pipeline only if it refused to feed its allies.
The new rulers did not have money, and they devalued the monetary deposits of the population. The loss of 10% of the country's population as a result of shock reforms was considered acceptable.

But it was not economic factors that dominated. If private property had been allowed, the USSR would not have collapsed. The reason is different: the elite stopped believing in the socialist idea and decided to cash in their privileges.

The people were a pawn in the struggle for power. Commodity and food shortages were created deliberately to cause discontent among people and thereby destroy the state. Trains with meat and butter stood on the tracks near the capital, but they were not allowed into Moscow in order to cause dissatisfaction with Gorbachev’s power.
It was a war for power, where the people served as bargaining chips.

The conspirators in Belovezhskaya Pushcha were not thinking about preserving the country, but about how to get rid of Gorbachev and gain unlimited power.
Gennady Burbulis, the same one who proposed the formulation of the end of the USSR as a geopolitical reality, later called the collapse of the USSR “a great misfortune and tragedy.”

Co-author of the Belovezhskaya Accords Vyacheslav Kebich (Prime Minister of the Republic of Belarus in 1991) admitted: “If I were Gorbachev, I would send a group of riot police and we would all sit quietly in Sailor’s Silence and wait for amnesty.”

But Gorbachev was only thinking about what position he would be given in the CIS.
But it was necessary, without burying our head in the sand, to fight for the territorial integrity of our state.
If Gorbachev had been elected by the people and not by congress deputies, it would have been more difficult to delegitimize him. But he was afraid that the people would not elect him.
In the end, Gorbachev could have transferred power to Yeltsin, and the USSR would have survived. But, apparently, pride did not allow it. As a result, the struggle between two egos led to the collapse of the country.

If it were not for Yeltsin’s manic desire to seize power and overthrow Gorbachev, to take revenge on him for his humiliation, then one could still hope for something. But Yeltsin could not forgive Gorbachev for publicly discrediting him, and when he “dumped” Gorbachev, he assigned him a humiliatingly low pension.

We have often been told that the people are the source of power and the driving force of history. But life shows that sometimes it is the personality of this or that political figure that determines the course of history.
The collapse of the USSR is largely the result of the conflict between Yeltsin and Gorbachev.
Who is more to blame for the collapse of the country: Gorbachev, unable to retain power, or Yeltsin, uncontrollably striving for power?

In a referendum on March 17, 1991, 78% of citizens were in favor of maintaining the renewed union. But did politicians listen to the opinions of the people? No, they were pursuing personal selfish interests.
Gorbachev said one thing and did another, gave orders and pretended that he knew nothing.

For some reason, in Russia, the problems of the country's development have always been a problem of the personal power of a particular ruler. Stalin's terror, Khrushchev's thaw, Brezhnev's stagnation, Gorbachev's perestroika, Yeltsin's collapse...
In Russia, a change in political and economic course is always associated with a change in the personality of the ruler. Is this why terrorists want to overthrow the leader of the state in the hope of changing course?

Tsar Nicholas II would have listened to the advice of smart people, would have shared power, made the monarchy constitutional, would have lived like a Swedish king, and his children would have lived now, and not died in terrible agony at the bottom of a mine.

But history teaches no one. Since the time of Confucius, it has been known that officials need to be examined for positions. And they appoint us. Why? Because what is important is not the official’s professional qualities, but personal loyalty to his superiors. And why? Because the boss is not interested in success, but primarily in maintaining his position.

The main thing for a ruler is to maintain personal power. Because if power is taken away from him, then he won’t be able to do anything. No one has ever voluntarily renounced their privileges or recognized the superiority of others. The ruler cannot simply give up power himself, he is a slave to power!

Churchill compared power to a drug. In fact, power is the maintenance of control and management. Whether it is a monarchy or a democracy is not so important. Democracy and dictatorship are just a way to most effectively achieve the desired goals.

But the question is: democracy for the people or the people for democracy?
Representative democracy is in crisis. But direct democracy is no better.
Management is a complex activity. There will always be those who want and can manage and make decisions (rulers), and those who are happy to be executors.

According to philosopher Boris Mezhuev, “democracy is the organized distrust of the people in power.”
Managed democracy is being replaced by post-democracy.

When they say that the people have made a mistake, it is those who think so who are mistaken. Because only the one who says such things definitely does not know the people about whom he has such an opinion. People are not that stupid in general, and they are not rednecks at all.

In relation to our soldiers and athletes, and all others who fought for the victory of our country and its flag with tears in their eyes, the destruction of the USSR was a real betrayal!

Gorbachev “voluntarily” abdicated power not because the people abandoned the USSR, but because the West abandoned Gorbachev. “The Moor has done his job, the Moor can leave...”

Personally, I support the trial of former political figures: French President Jacques Chirac, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Chilean dictator Pinochet and others.

Why is there still no trial of those responsible for the collapse of the USSR?
The people have the right and MUST know who is to blame for the destruction of the country.
It is the ruling elite that is responsible for the collapse of the country!

Recently I was invited to the next meeting of the “Russian Thought” seminar at the Russian Christian Humanitarian Academy in St. Petersburg. Vladimir Aleksandrovich Gutorov, Doctor of Philosophy, Professor of the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Philosophy, St. Petersburg State University, delivered a report on “The USSR as a Civilization.”
Professor Gutorov V.A. believes that the USSR is the only country where the elite conducted an experiment, destroying its own people. It ended in complete disaster. And we now live in a situation of catastrophe.

Nikolai Berdyaev, when interrogated by F. Dzerzhinsky, said that Russian communism is a punishment to the Russian people for all the sins and abominations that the Russian elite and the renegade Russian intelligentsia have committed over the past decades.
In 1922, Nikolai Berdyaev was expelled from Russia on the so-called “philosophical ship”.

The most conscientious representatives of the Russian elite who found themselves in exile admitted their guilt for the revolution that had taken place.
Does our current “elite” really admit its responsibility for the collapse of the USSR?..

Was the USSR a civilization? Or was it a social experiment on an unprecedented scale?

The signs of civilization are as follows:
1\ The USSR was an empire, and an empire is a sign of civilization.
2\ Civilization is distinguished by a high level of education and a high technical base, which obviously existed in the USSR.
3\ Civilization forms a special psychological type, which develops over about 10 generations. But during 70 years of Soviet power it could not take shape.
4\ One of the signs of civilization is beliefs. The USSR had its own belief in communism.

Even the ancient Greeks noticed a cyclical pattern in the succession of forms of power: aristocracy - democracy - tyranny - aristocracy... For two thousand years, humanity has not been able to come up with anything new.
History knows numerous social experiences of people's democracy. The socialist experiment will inevitably repeat itself. It is already being repeated in China, Cuba, North Korea, Venezuela and other countries.

The USSR was a social experiment of unprecedented scale, but the experiment turned out to be unviable.
The fact is that justice and social equality come into conflict with economic efficiency. Where profit is the main thing, there is no place for justice. But it is inequality and competition that make society efficient.

Once I saw two men, one of whom was digging a hole, and the other was burying the hole after him. I asked what they were doing. And they replied that the third worker, who was planting trees, had not come.

The specificity of our mentality is that we do not see happiness in progress and do not strive for development like a Western person. We are more contemplative. Our national hero Ivanushka the Fool (Oblomov) lies on the stove and dreams of a kingdom. And he gets up only when he has the urge.
We develop from time to time only under the pressure of the vital need for survival.

This is reflected in our Orthodox faith, which evaluates a person not by works, but by faith. Catholicism speaks of personal responsibility for choice and calls for activism. But with us everything is determined by the providence and grace of God, which is incomprehensible.

Russia is not just a territory, it is an Idea! Regardless of the name - USSR, USSR, CIS or Eurasian Union.
The Russian idea is simple: we can only be saved together! Therefore, the revival of great Russia in one form or another is inevitable. In our harsh climatic conditions, what is needed is not competition, but cooperation, not rivalry, but community. And therefore, external conditions will inevitably restore the union form of government.

The USSR as an Idea in one form or another is inevitable. The fact that the communist idea is not utopian and quite realistic is proven by the successes of communist China, which managed to become a superpower, overtaking the idealess Russia.

The ideas of social justice, equality and fraternity are ineradicable. Perhaps they are embedded in the human consciousness as a matrix that periodically tries to come true.

What's wrong with the ideas of freedom, equality and brotherhood, the universal happiness of people, regardless of religion or nationality?
These ideas will never die, they are eternal because they are true. Their truth lies in the fact that they correctly capture the essence of human nature.
Only those ideas are eternal that are in tune with the thoughts and feelings of living people. After all, if they find a response in the souls of millions, it means there is something in these ideas. People cannot be united by one truth, since everyone sees the truth in their own way. Everyone cannot be mistaken at the same time. An idea is true if it reflects the truths of many people. Only such ideas find a place in the recesses of the soul. And whoever guesses what is hidden in the souls of millions will lead them.”
LOVE CREATES NECESSITY!
(from my novel “Stranger Strange Incomprehensible Extraordinary Stranger” on the New Russian Literature website

In your opinion, WHY DID THE USSR DIDN'T?

December 25 marks twenty years since the famous “abdication” of the first and last president of the USSR, Mikhail Gorbachev, from power. But few people remember that a few days before this there was another speech by Gorbachev, in which the President of the USSR firmly and decisively said that he would protect the country from collapse with all the means at his disposal.
Why did Mikhail Gorbachev refuse to defend the USSR and abdicate power?

Was the USSR doomed or destroyed? What caused the collapse of the USSR? Who is to blame for this?

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics was created in December 1922 by uniting the RSFSR, Ukrainian SSR, BSSR and ZSFSR. It was the largest country, occupying 1/6 of the earth's landmass. According to the agreement of December 30, 1922, the Union consisted of sovereign republics, each retaining the right to freely secede from the Union, the right to enter into relations with foreign states, and to participate in the activities of international organizations.

Stalin warned that this form of union was unreliable, but Lenin reassured: as long as there is a party holding the country together like reinforcement, the integrity of the country is not in danger. But Stalin turned out to be more far-sighted.

On December 25-26, 1991, the USSR as a subject of international law ceased to exist.
This was preceded by the signing of an agreement on the creation of the CIS in Belovezhskaya Pushcha on December 8, 1991. The Bialowieza Agreements did not dissolve the USSR, but only stated its actual collapse at that time. Formally, Russia and Belarus did not declare independence from the USSR, but only recognized the fact of the end of its existence.

The exit from the USSR was a collapse, since legally none of the republics complied with all the procedures prescribed by the law “On the procedure for resolving issues related to the withdrawal of a union republic from the USSR.”

The following reasons can be identified for the collapse of the Soviet Union:
1\ totalitarian nature of the Soviet system, extinguishing individual initiative, lack of pluralism and real democratic civil liberties
2\ imbalances in the planned economy of the USSR and shortages of consumer goods
3\ interethnic conflicts and corruption of the elites
4\ "Cold War" and the US conspiracy to reduce world oil prices in order to weaken the USSR
5\ Afghan war, man-made and other large-scale disasters
6\ “selling” the “socialist camp” to the West
7\ subjective factor, expressed in the personal struggle of Gorbachev and Yeltsin for power.

When I served in the Northern Fleet, during those years of the Cold War, I myself guessed and explained through political information that the arms race does not serve the purpose of defeating us in the war, but of economically undermining our state.
80% of the USSR's budget expenditures went to defense. They drank about 3 times more alcohol than under the Tsar. The state budget allocated vodka every 6 rubles.
Perhaps the anti-alcohol campaign was necessary, but as a result the state did not receive 20 billion rubles.
In Ukraine alone, people had 120 billion rubles accumulated in their savings books, which were impossible to buy. It was necessary to get rid of this burden on the economy by any means, which was done.

The collapse of the USSR and the socialist system led to an imbalance and caused tectonic processes in the world. But it would be more correct to talk not about collapse, but about the deliberate collapse of the country.

The collapse of the USSR was a Western project of the Cold War. And the Westerners successfully implemented this project - the USSR ceased to exist.
US President Reagan set his goal to defeat the “evil empire” – the USSR. To this end, he negotiated with Saudi Arabia to reduce oil prices in order to undermine the Soviet economy, which was almost entirely dependent on oil sales.
On September 13, 1985, Saudi Arabia's Oil Minister Yamani said that Saudi Arabia was ending its policy of curbing oil production and was beginning to regain its share of the oil market. Over the next 6 months, Saudi Arabia's oil production increased 3.5 times. After which prices decreased by 6.1 times.

In the United States, in order to constantly monitor developments in the Soviet Union, the so-called “Center for the Study of the Progress of Perestroika” was created. It included representatives of the CIA, DIA (military intelligence), and the State Department's Office of Intelligence and Research.
US President George W. Bush said at the Republican National Convention in August 1992 that the collapse of the Soviet Union was due to "the vision and decisive leadership of presidents from both parties."

The ideology of communism turned out to be just a bogeyman of the Cold War. “They aimed at communism, but ended up hitting the people,” admitted the famous sociologist Alexander Zinoviev.

“Whoever does not regret the collapse of the USSR has no heart. And the one who wants to restore the USSR has neither mind nor heart.” According to various sources, 52% of surveyed residents of Belarus, 68% of Russia and 59% of Ukraine regret the collapse of the Soviet Union.

The KGB knew about the West's plans for the controlled collapse of the USSR, reported to Gorbachev, but he did nothing. He has already received the Nobel Peace Prize.

According to philosopher Boris Mezhuev, “democracy is the organized distrust of the people in power.”
Managed democracy is being replaced by post-democracy.

In relation to our soldiers and athletes, and all others who fought for the victory of our country and its flag with tears in their eyes, the destruction of the USSR was a real betrayal!

Gorbachev “voluntarily” abdicated power not because the people abandoned the USSR, but because the West abandoned Gorbachev. “The Moor has done his job, the Moor can leave...”

Personally, I support the trial of former political figures: French President Jacques Chirac, German Chancellor Helmut Kohl, Chilean dictator Pinochet and others.

Was the USSR a civilization? Or was it a social experiment on an unprecedented scale?

The ideas of social justice, equality and fraternity are ineradicable. Perhaps they are embedded in the human consciousness as a matrix that periodically tries to come true.

In your opinion, WHY DID THE USSR DIDN'T?

On December 8, 1991, at the Viskuli hunting estate in Belovezhskaya Pushcha on the territory of the BSSR, meetings were held between the leaders of the three union republics - the President of the RSFSR Boris Yeltsin, the President of Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk and the Chairman of the Supreme Council of Belarus Stanislav Shushkevich.

Decisions were made to terminate the 1922 Union Treaty and to end the activities of state structures of the former Union, and a document was signed on the creation of the CIS.

The meeting was also attended by Secretary of State of the RSFSR Gennady Burbulis, State Councilor of the RSFSR Sergei Shakhrai, Prime Minister of Ukraine Vitold Fokin and Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the Republic of Belarus Vyacheslav Kebich.

Shortly before the adoption of the Belovezhskaya Accords, the period of the so-called “parade of sovereignties” began: the union and autonomous republics, one after another, proclaimed their sovereignty, adopting the corresponding declaration. These actions aggravated the economic situation in the USSR, and connections between regions and republics were disrupted.

On March 17, 1991, an all-Union referendum was held, in which the majority of citizens voted for the preservation and renewal of the USSR. The exceptions were Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Georgia, Moldova and Armenia, whose leaders refused to hold a referendum and declared the independence of their countries. In turn, the plan to conclude a new union treaty, previously proposed by USSR President Mikhail Gorbachev, was thwarted in the summer of 1991 due to the “August putsch”, which, in particular, was led to by the actions of the self-proclaimed authority - the State Committee for the State of Emergency (GKChP) ). A few days later the coup was suppressed and the committee was dissolved.

Belovezhskaya meeting

Later, on December 1, a referendum was held in Ukraine, as a result of which the majority of citizens supported the independence of the country. At the same time, talk continued that it was necessary to conclude an agreement on the creation of a Union of Sovereign States, or USG for short. The document was planned to be signed on December 9. At a meeting with Mikhail Gorbachev, Boris Yeltsin announced a planned meeting with the heads of Ukraine and Belarus at the Viskuli estate in Belovezhskaya Pushcha. The agenda included a discussion of the creation of the JIT.

As Stanislav Shushkevich recalled, it was decided to hold a meeting on December 8 in Viskuli in order to also “discuss issues of oil and gas supplies to Ukraine and Belarus.” Meanwhile, the former president of Belarus noted, “it quickly became clear that economic problems cannot be solved without a political determination of who is who.” It can be assumed that, although there had been talk about the collapse of the USSR long before this, the decision to officially sign the corresponding document was made spontaneously.

The text of the document contained 16 articles.

The preamble to the agreement stated: “The USSR as a subject of international law and a geopolitical reality ceases to exist.”

The document set out the rights and obligations of the CIS countries, while under Article 14 Minsk became “the official location of the coordinating bodies of the Commonwealth.”

After signing the treaty on the dissolution of the USSR, Boris Yeltsin called US President George H. W. Bush. The conversation lasted 28 minutes.

The transcript of this conversation will be classified for a long time by the American intelligence services that recorded the conversation, and only in 2008 will the classification be lifted. During a personal conversation, Boris Yeltsin reported to George Bush on the agreements that had taken place, on the creation of the Commonwealth, the purpose of which is to strengthen international peace and security, as well as unified control over nuclear weapons and their non-proliferation. Yeltsin noted that Kazakh President Nursultan Nazarbayev also supported the actions of politicians and was ready to sign the agreement.

“This is extremely important. These four republics produce 90% of the total gross output of the Soviet Union. This is an attempt to preserve the commonwealth, but to free us from the total control of the center, which has been issuing orders for more than 70 years. This is a very serious step, but we hope, we are convinced, we are confident that this is the only way out of the critical situation in which we find ourselves,” Boris Yeltsin said during a telephone conversation with the US President.

Yeltsin also reported to the president that Mikhail Gorbachev does not yet know about the decisions made,

however, the signed documents will be immediately reported to both Mikhail Gorbachev and the press.

“Mr. President, I must tell you confidentially that President Gorbachev does not know about these results. He knew about our intention to get together - in fact, I myself told him that we were going to meet. Of course, we will immediately send him the text of our agreement, since, of course, he will have to make decisions at his own level. Mr. President, I was very, very frank with you today. We, the four states, believe that there is only one possible way out of the current critical situation. We don’t want to do anything in secret, we will immediately transmit the statement to the press,” concluded Boris Yeltsin.

Consequences of the agreement

The signing of the Bialowieza Accords caused widespread public outcry and conflicting opinions among both politicians and ordinary citizens. On December 10, the Izvestia newspaper published a statement by Mikhail Gorbachev about the agreements that had been reached. It reported that “the fate of a multinational state cannot be determined by the will of the leaders of the three republics.”

On December 16, in Kommersant, a news story with the headline “Yeltsin, Kravchuk and Shushkevich had a good hunt” read: “As a result of a hunting weekend in Belovezhskaya Pushcha, the leaders of Belarus, Russia and Ukraine agreed to establish a union of three Slavic republics with a center in Minsk and to abolish the USSR as a subject of international law."

On December 25, US President George H. W. Bush received a call from Mikhail Gorbachev. By this time, the document on the termination of the existence of the USSR had already been signed by 11 union republics.

Mikhail Gorbachev said that in about two hours he would announce a decision on Moscow television. “On the table in front of me lies the Decree of the President of the USSR on my resignation. “I also resign as Supreme Commander-in-Chief and transfer the authority to use nuclear weapons to the President of the Russian Federation,” said Mikhail Gorbachev. The former president noted that he values his friendship with George Bush, and also called for Russian support.

“As for me, I’m not going to hide in the taiga, in the forests. I will remain politically active, I will remain in political life. My main goal is to help in the processes that began with perestroika and new thinking in foreign policy,” added Mikhail Gorbachev.

In response, the US President promised to “build relations with the leaders of Russia and other republics with due respect and openness.” On December 25, 1991, George Bush officially stated in the press:

“The United States welcomes and supports the historic choice for freedom made by the new nations of the Commonwealth.”

Later, recalling the conclusion of the Belovezhskaya Accords, the first President of Ukraine Leonid Kravchuk said in an interview that he did not regret the decisions made then. The former president of Ukraine noted that “there was no talk about the collapse of the USSR.” “We thought about how to make sure that people don’t die under these ruins. I will say more, if we had not signed the Belovezhskaya Agreement, but used another option, blood could have been shed,” said Leonid Kravchuk.

OUTSTANDING FACTS. WHAT YELTSIN REPORTED TO BUSH Sr. ON THE EVE OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR

Belovezhskaya meeting

Consequences of the agreement

First Bolshevik government

Five-pointed star and its secrets

States with a federal structure